The 50th Anniversary of Türkiye’s Military Intervention in Cyprus and the Quest for Turkish Cypriot Sovereign Equality – Erol Kaymak

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As Türkiye prepares to commemorate the 50th anniversary of its military intervention in Cyprus on 20 July 1974, the symbolic weight of the occasion is dramatically underscored by the planned presence of 50 Turkish naval vessels. This flotilla, a powerful representation of military might, is meant to serve as a potent reminder of the events of 1974 and Türkiye’s enduring influence in the region. The magnitude of this display extends beyond a simple anniversary observance. It carries significant political implications, particularly in the ongoing Cyprus issue and the delicate balance of power in the Eastern Mediterranean. Türkiye intends to send a clear message about its commitment to protect what it perceives as Turkish Cypriot interests and its resolve in the face of international pressure. The naval display will feature the flagship TCG Anadolu, further emphasizing its maritime capabilities.

The historical context of 1974

Türkiye’s intervention was prompted by a coup d’etat on the island on 15
July 1974 by Nikos Sampson, orchestrated by the then-ruling Greek military
junta in Athens, aiming to unite Cyprus with Greece (the Enosis). In
response, Türkiye, invoking its rights under the Treaty of Guarantee, initiated
the first phase of what it termed the ‘Cyprus Peace Operation’ (Kıbrıs Barış
Harekatı) on 20 July 1974 to prevent the annexation of the island to Greece
and protect the Turkish Cypriot community. The second phase of the operation,
in August 1974, led to population displacements and the partition of the island,
which has remained divided since then with ongoing efforts to resolve the dispute.

While the first phase of the operation was met with muted reactions
internationally, the second phase caused tension with Türkiye’s allies.
Disagreement also arose within the Turkish government between Prime Minister
Bülent Ecevit and his coalition partner Necmettin Erbakan about the operation’s
extent, with Erbakan favoring full control of Cyprus. Recently, President
Erdoğan suggested that Türkiye could have taken all of Cyprus during
the 1974 intervention. His comments, aimed at domestic audiences, coincided
with a UN diplomatic mission to Cyprus.

 

The broader regional and geopolitical dimension

Türkiye’s resolve and show of power are not limited to the Cyprus
dispute. It now also encapsulates a broader ambition and role in the Eastern
Mediterranean. This is not only related to disputes over energy and natural
resources and differences over maritime boundaries but also to broader regional
aspirations. While Türkiye utilizes the Montreux Convention to limit navies of
non-riparian countries -including its NATO allies- from entering the Black Sea,
simultaneously balancing Russia, it faces what it views as fait accompli
in the Eastern Mediterranean. Through its Memorandum of Understanding with the
Government of National Accord (GNA) of Libya in November 2019, it attempted to
affect the calculus of regional actors and corporations. However, the
hostilities in the Gaza Strip have effectively strengthened the strategic bonds
between Israel and the Greek Cypriot-led Republic of Cyprus.

More recently, Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan
Fidan has raised significant concerns about the West’s utilization of
Cyprus for logistics and military operations in the wake of the Israeli
military offensive in Gaza. Fidan accused Western allies of using the
humanitarian corridor to Gaza for other purposes, asserting that Cyprus has
become an operational hub since the outbreak of hostilities on October 7^th.
He claims to have intelligence reports indicating that the ‘Greek Cypriot
Administration of Southern Cyprus’ is being used as a base for operations
against Gaza, including intelligence and military flights. Fidan suggests that
the humanitarian aid corridor established to deliver food and medicine to
Palestinians in Gaza through Cyprus -the
‘Amalthea Initiative’– is a guise, stating it
“has obviously turned into an activity that conceals the fact that it is
actually a military base.”

Fidan’s concerns extend beyond the current situation, highlighting the
increasing militarization in the region and the need to prevent escalation. He
explicitly advises Greece and Greek Cypriots to distance themselves from the
conflicts in the Middle East, warning that their involvement could lead to
repercussions. In diplomatic efforts, Fidan attempted to persuade his American
counterpart, Antony Blinken, to halt the Cypriot initiative, arguing against
the implementation of the Cyprus maritime corridor during
talks in Washington. These efforts were further reinforced by Ibrahim
Kalin, Fidan’s successor at Türkiye’s National Intelligence Agency (MIT), who
also raised
the issue in Washington. However, the US government
did not comply with these Turkish demands, maintaining strong support for the Amalthea
initiative.

These diplomatic efforts, primarily directed toward Arab governments,
have been largely
ignored, as the Arab countries and other interlocutors
disregarded Ankara’s claims. These actions highlight Türkiye’s strategic
concerns regarding its Western allies’ use of Cyprus for military purposes,
particularly in the context of heightened tensions in the Middle East. Fidan’s
statements and Türkiye’s diplomatic maneuvers underscore their perception of
Cyprus’s evolving role in regional geopolitics and its potential implications
for Türkiye’s security interests.

Seeking unity on the domestic front

On 20 July 2024, President Erdogan is scheduled to deliver a speech at
the Turkish Cypriot parliament building, which is no surprise. What is
different is his emphasis on involving political rivals in commemorating the
military operation. On July 18, 2024, the Turkish
parliament passed a resolution marking
the 50th anniversary of the Cyprus Peace Operation. The resolution calls for
international recognition of the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) and
an end to the isolation of Turkish Cypriots. It criticizes the Greek Cypriots’
stance and supports a two-state solution for lasting peace. Türkiye reaffirms
its support for the TRNC and its guarantor role.

Significantly, the Turkish main opposition party leader, Özgür Özel, of
the Republican People’s Party (CHP), will be visiting Cyprus and in attendance.
CHP’s approach towards the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) has
changed since Özel assumed leadership in November 2023, and the party is now
actively engaging with the TRNC at all levels. This represents a strategic
shift for Türkiye’s main opposition party and indicates a re-prioritization of
the TRNC for the CHP.

Erdogan’s invitation to the opposition CHP for the Cyprus Peace
Operation anniversary reflects efforts to reduce political polarization in Türkiye.
The CHP’s engagement with the TRNC could strengthen ties and impact Türkiye-TRNC
relations. The CHP’s presence at the commemoration would also signal unity in Cyprus
to the international community. However, deep mistrust and divergent political
agendas between the governing AKP and CHP cast
doubt on the long-term sustainability of the
normalization process. For its part, CHP also seeks to build relations with the
Turkish Cypriot opposition in anticipation of elections in Türkiye and TRNC. In
parallel, renewed
contact between Turkey’s ruling AK Party and the main
opposition party in Northern Cyprus, the Republican Turkish Party (CTP),
illustrates a broader initiative seeking strategic alignment. These developments
will be closely watched for further indications of shifting political alliances
and their potential impact on Cyprus and Turkish foreign policy.

On the other hand, Turkish Cypriots remain polarized over strategy.
While the TRNC President, Ersin Tatar, aligned with Ankara, advocates for a two-state
solution based on ‘sovereign equality,’ a significant portion of the electorate
continues to favor a federal settlement based on the political equality of the
Turkish Cypriots. Thus, the internationally endorsed bizonal, bicommunal
federation (BBF) model remains
the formal aim of the main opposition party, CTP, led by Tufan Erhürman.
It remains to be seen whether the newly forged bilateral ties between Özel’s
CHP and Erhürman’s CTP may lead to more consensual political strategies going
forward, presumably with CTP subtly moving towards confederal stances over BBF.

The Run up to the 50^th anniversary

In July 2024, Turkish President Erdoğan undertook a series of
strategically planned overseas visits with geopolitical aspirations in mind.
His travels began on July 3^rd when he attended the Shanghai
Cooperation Organisation Summit in Astana, Kazakhstan, where he met with
Russian President Vladimir Putin. However, on July 5^th, he abruptly
canceled his attendance at the Organisation of Turkic States (OTC) summit to
travel to Berlin to witness the Euro 2024 quarterfinal match between Türkiye
and the Netherlands. This decision came after UEFA investigated a Turkish
player making a ‘grey wolf’ sign during a previous game. Vice President Cevdet
Yılmaz represented Erdogan at the OTC, which was formed in 2009 to promote
cooperation among Turkic-speaking states, with Türkiye playing a significant
role. Erdoğan’s itinerary then included the NATO leaders’ summit in Washington
D.C. from July 9^th to 11^th, where he met, among others,
with the Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis.

Mitsotakis will also participate in memorial services and commemorative
events in the Greek Cypriot-led Republic of Cyprus on July 20^th,
coinciding with the Turkish celebrations. Despite improving bilateral relations
between Greece and Türkiye, progress on the Cyprus issue and the broader
Eastern Mediterranean remains challenging to achieve. During a meeting with
Erdoğan on the sidelines of the NATO summit on July 10^th, Mitsotakis
underscored
the urgency of advancing reunification discussions in Cyprus. He
reiterated this message in a subsequent meeting with UN Secretary-General
Antonio Guterres a few days later.

Whereas Turks commemorate the ‘peace operation’, the Greek Cypriots
mourn and protest the ‘Turkish invasion of Cyprus’ (Τουρκική εισβολή στην
Κύπρο). On July 15, 2024, Greek Cypriot President Nikos Christodoulides led
events marking the 50^th anniversary of the 1974 coup and Turkish
intervention. The day included sirens at 8:20 am, a memorial service, and
wreath-laying in Nicosia. Christodoulides stressed
honesty, accountability, and respect for differing views to prevent future
conflicts.

The background of stalled settlement talks

The ceremonies are taking place in the context of stalled peace talks.
No formal negotiations have been held since 2017. The Crans Montana Summit of
2017 marked a watershed moment, with negotiations collapsing and the Turkish
side shifting away from the previously agreed-upon framework of a BBF model. Endorsed
by the UN Security Council, the model aims to reunite the island under a single
federal structure with power-sharing provisions for Greek and Turkish Cypriots.
However, the Turkish Cypriot leadership, now aligned with Türkiye’s stance, has
since advocated a two-state solution, arguing that the BBF model is no longer
viable.

This shift is rooted in several factors, including the perception that
decades of negotiations based on the BBF have failed to yield results and have
allowed the Greek Cypriot side to maintain a dominant position. The Turkish
side now insists on recognition of “sovereign equality” and
“equal international status” as a precondition for future talks,
essentially demanding international recognition of a separate Turkish Cypriot
state. They argue that this is necessary to address the historical injustices
they perceive and to ensure a sustainable solution that guarantees their rights
and security. This stance is further underscored by Turkish Cypriot President
Ersin Tatar’s assertion
that there will be “never again” a settlement without sovereign
equality. This position has significant implications for the future of the
peace process, effectively ruling out a return to the negotiating table under
the previous framework.

The Greek Cypriot side, meanwhile, remains committed to the BBF model as
the only viable path to reunification. They view the Turkish Cypriot demands
for “sovereign equality” as a veiled attempt to legitimize the
island’s partition and entrench the existing division. This stalemate has
created a profoundly polarized environment, exacerbated by accusations of bad
faith and provocative actions on both sides.

 

Open letter by the UNSG’s Personal Envoy

Despite this apparent stalemate, the United Nations Secretary-General
(UNSG), Antonio Guterres, appointed former Colombian Foreign Minister Maria
Angela Holguin Cuellar as his Personal Envoy in January 2024. Holguin submitted
her report to Guterres on 10 July. The report was submitted
after the UNSG had submitted his Good Offices report on July 3, allowing Guterres
sufficient time to reflect on the way forward in preparation for the UN General
Assembly meetings in September 2024. Surprisingly, Holguin also published
an open letter on July 10, reflecting on her six months of experience.
Holguin’s open letter did not address substantive matters. Still, it did hint
that her mission to uncover ‘common ground’ and ‘political will’ to recommend
the recommencement of fully-fledged and formal peace talks was not successful.

While Holguin’s appointment initially offered a glimmer of hope for
reinvigorating the stalled peace process, her open letter and the reactions it
elicited paint a less optimistic picture. Holguin’s mandate, as outlined
by the UN Secretary-General, was to assess the
feasibility of restarting negotiations and to identify any potential common
ground between the two sides. However, her open letter, published ahead of her
official report submission, suggests that this mission has been unsuccessful. She
notes the lack of trust between the parties and the need to move beyond past
solutions that have only led to greater disagreement and frustration.

Significantly, Holguin highlights a sense of resignation among Cypriots,
suggesting that many have accepted the status quo due to the repeated
failures of past negotiation attempts. This perceived apathy poses a challenge
to any future peace efforts, as a lack of public support or pressure can make
it easier for leaders to maintain entrenched positions.

Another surprise was the open
letter by the Greek Cypriot opposition leader from the
Democratic Rally (DISY) Party, Annita Demetriou, calling on President
Christodoulides to make urgent progress as the international community loses
patience in the pursuit of a federal settlement to the Cyprus issue. Demetriou
warns that the international community’s patience with the stalled peace process
is wearing thin and calls for the resumption of the Türkiye-EU High-Level
Dialogue, contingent on the restart of Cyprus negotiations, highlighting the
interconnectedness of the Cyprus issue with broader regional dynamics and Türkiye’s
relationship with the EU. This linkage underscores the need for a comprehensive
approach that addresses not only the internal divisions on the island but also
the external factors influencing the situation.

Sovereign equality, the EU, and the strategy

Strategic disagreements among Turkish Cypriots persist. In the aftermath
of local elections in Türkiye, President Erdoğan’s position has been somewhat
weakened, so there seem to be efforts to forge a broader coalition regarding
Cyprus. This relates to Erdoğan’s call on the opposition to join him in Cyprus
for commemorations. For its part, CHP also seeks to build relations with the
Turkish Cypriot opposition in anticipation of elections in Türkiye and
TRNC.

Whereas Turkish Cypriots remain internally divided on strategy, Erdoğan
and TRNC President Ersin Tatar continue to pursue a two-state settlement as the
basis of negotiations. This means that Tatar has rebuffed all calls to restart
negotiations based on the BBF model based on the political equality of the
Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot communities. Instead, the Turkish side
insists on the acknowledgment of the ‘sovereign equality’ and equal
international standing of the two sides as a prerequisite for formal talks.

Critics argue that Türkiye’s pursuit of a two-state solution in Cyprus
is a non-starter and hinders the EU’s positive agenda. However, this stance can
be seen as a strategic move tied to broader regional dynamics and Türkiye’s
ambitions in the Eastern Mediterranean. The emphasis on sovereign equality strengthens
Türkiye’s geopolitical position, enhances the international legitimacy of the
TRNC, and secures greater autonomy for Turkish Cypriots. These actions can
complement the EU’s goals by promoting realistic negotiations, contributing to
regional stability, and fostering cooperation.

The EU has been striving to implement conditions on its proposed
‘Positive Agenda for Türkiye,’ aiming to prompt changes in the stances of Türkiye
and the TRNC. However, these efforts have yet to yield the desired results,
complicated by Türkiye’s steadfast position on Cyprus, which presents a
significant challenge for the EU and the international community in pursuing
strategic relations with Türkiye.

Türkiye’s demands are not explicitly centered on the overt recognition
of the TRNC as a precondition for settlement talks. Instead, insights can be
gleaned from the annexes to Guterres’ Good Offices reports. In the latest
report, TRNC President Tatar emphasizes the 3Ds –direct flights, direct trade, and
direct diplomatic contacts- as a tangible demonstration of the acknowledgment
of the Turkish Cypriot side’s sovereign equality and equal international
standing. This position, likely endorsed by Ankara, is well understood by international
diplomats as the official Turkish stance.

This suggests that resolving the issue of extending the customs union to
include the Republic of Cyprus, thereby fulfilling Türkiye’s obligations to the
EU, could be achievable if the isolation of the Turkish Cypriots is addressed.
The intricate dynamics between the EU, Türkiye, and the Cyprus issue,
particularly in relation to the EU’s conditional positive agenda and Türkiye’s
demands for the TRNC, are crucial to understanding this situation.

Türkiye’s strategy, while complex, could potentially align with broader
regional and European interests. This alignment offers pathways to a lasting
resolution of the Cyprus issue, benefiting all parties involved.

The EU has employed a carrot-and-stick approach, offering potential
rewards like modernizing the Customs Union and visa facilitation in exchange
for Turkish cooperation in Cyprus, among other issues, centered on leveraging
its relationship with Türkiye. The bloc seeks a “cooperative
and mutually beneficial relationship” with
Türkiye, recognizing its strategic importance in the Eastern Mediterranean.
However, the EU remains steadfast in its commitment to a “comprehensive
settlement of the Cyprus problem”
within the UN framework.

President Tatar’s articulation of the 3Ds sheds light on Türkiye’s
strategy. These demands, characterized as tangible manifestations of sovereign
equality, suggest a desire for practical recognition of the TRNC, even without
formal international recognition. This strategy aims to break the TRNC’s
isolation and potentially strengthen its claim to statehood in the long run,
aligning with Türkiye’s broader geopolitical goals in the region.

The complexities and potential roadblocks associated with Türkiye’s
demands are significant. The EU’s insistence on a UN-backed settlement in
Cyprus and its rejection of a two-state solution directly clashes with Türkiye’s
preconditions for progress. Additionally, the EU’s emphasis on conditionality
in its engagement with Türkiye underscores the challenges in finding common
ground. While extending the customs union to Cyprus may not hinge solely on
lifting the TRNC’s isolation, the contrasting positions and lack of tangible
progress on the 3Ds suggest this remains a significant obstacle.

The EU’s conundrum is evident: balancing its strategic interests in
engaging with Türkiye against its commitment to a Cyprus settlement based on UN
resolutions. Türkiye’s unwavering stance on sovereign equality for the TRNC and
its strategic use of the 3Ds further complicate the path toward a resolution. The
stalemate will likely persist without a fundamental shift in either side’s
position.

The Turkish side seeks to upgrade its status through the OTC and open
ports to direct trade and strengthen its position. There is also a
broader push, supported by various international advocates,
including British politician Ian Duncan Smith and others from the UK and
beyond, to challenge the isolation of Turkish Cypriots and facilitate direct
trade and direct international flights through Ercan airport. However, the
Greek Cypriot side views these demands as unreasonable and counterproductive to
peace. They criticize the Turkish refusal to acknowledge the BBF as the agreed
basis for negotiations. They see the push for direct trade and recognition
through the OTC as attempts to solidify a two-state solution and undermine the
UN-led peace process.

 

Property disputes

In this context, the Greek Cypriot side’s recent legal actions regarding
property in Northern Cyprus appear to be a coercive tactic to pressure the
Turkish Cypriot side amid stalled settlement negotiations. Domestically, the
Greek Cypriot side is signaling an intent to deter EU citizens from trading in
Greek Cypriot-owned properties in the north. Although these matters are under
the purview of the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) via the Turkish
Cypriot Immovable Property Commission (IPC), such actions are seen as measures
to compel Turkish Cypriots to revise policies.

The Greek Cypriot side is intensifying efforts to prevent the sale and
development of Greek Cypriot-owned properties in the north, evidenced by recent
arrests of individuals, including EU citizens, involved in such transactions.
Notably, a German woman and an Israeli businessman were arrested for promoting
property sales in the north, highlighting a concerted effort to deter such
activities. While these arrests seem to target EU citizens, Turkish Cypriots
are also potentially vulnerable, as seen in the case of Turkish Cypriot lawyer
Akan Kürşat, who was arrested for his involvement in property transactions.

While the IPC is recognized by the ECHR as a legal mechanism (i.e., a
domestic remedy) for addressing property disputes, the Greek Cypriot side
argues that these arrests
are justified. They view the IPC as a tool used by the Turkish Cypriot side to
legitimize the acquisition of Greek Cypriot properties, which they consider
illegal under international law. The Turkish Cypriot representative at the
Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (PACE), Oğuzhan Hasipoğlu, criticizes
these actions, claiming they contradict the ECHR’s acceptance of
the IPC and violate international law. He calls for an investigation into these
arrests, asserting they are politically motivated to pressure the Turkish
Cypriot side into accepting the Greek Cypriot position.

The broader context of property disputes between the two sides is
complex. Hasipoğlu accuses the Greek Cypriot side of expropriating Turkish
Cypriot properties in the south without compensation. This highlights the
intricate nature of the property issue, which remains a significant point of
contention and a potential flashpoint for legal battles.

 

The prospects for an interim deal

The consequences of the lack of common ground for formal negotiations do
not negate the substantive elements of the Cyprus issue. It does, however,
offer Türkiye an opportunity to argue not only in favor of a two-state solution
but also to claim that the preconditions of the EU for progressing on strategic
areas of mutual interest should not be linked to progress on Cyprus talks via
the Turkish side’s reaffirmation of the BBF model. Guterres is unlikely to
produce a report that opens that path. It is more likely that he will push for
a package of CBMs that address Turkish Cypriot concerns over isolation while
simultaneously strengthening the Technical Committees to negotiate the
implementation of CBMs and cooperation agreements.

In this context, the question becomes whether the Greek Cypriot side can
be induced into a normalization process through the Technical Committees.  The difficulty for Greek Cypriot leader Christodoulides
is that he has openly
referenced fully-fledged negotiations based on BBF, including
convergences and the acquis of the talks through the failed Crans Montana Summit
as a diplomatic goal. Moreover, he has attempted to avert the introduction of
CBMs that have the effect of upgrading the TRNC, opting instead to retain
control over the process by introducing selective CBMs aimed at the rights of
Turkish Cypriots as citizens rather than as a political community. In the
annexes to Guterres’ most recent report, he touts the 14 unilateral measures
his government took announced on 26 January 2024.

The UN, the EU, and the broader international community will undoubtedly
watch domestic political developments in Türkiye and the TRNC. Among Turkish
Cypriots, the upcoming presidential elections, scheduled in 2025, are likely to
feature a challenge by opposition candidates to Tatar’s re-election.
Notwithstanding Türkiye’s influence, polls
suggest the unpopularity of the current governing coalition
headed by the National Unity Party (UBP) and that opposition leader Tufan Erhürman
leads Tatar. Of course, how a change in government or president would affect
policy remains to be seen.

Aside from any potential softening of stances on the part of Turkish
Cypriot leadership, the real gauge is whether President Erdoğan of Türkiye,
potentially supported by the main opposition CHP, seeks closer relations with
the West and thus progress on Cyprus-related issues. This would manifest itself
partly vicariously through the positions of the Turkish Cypriot leadership. Taken
at face value, Tatar must realize the 3Ds he seeks cannot be granted to him via
Holguin’s contacts, especially over direct flights. This implies that the
Turkish side hopes that the UN will not only determine a lack of common ground
regarding the settlement model but also advocate for the lifting of the
international isolation of the Turkish Cypriots.

Independent of Tatar’s
view that the 3Ds are not subject to negotiation, the real
issue is whether the authorization of Ercan Airport for international flights
is subject to reversal. Ercan’s status has been part of previous CBM proposals,
including one proposed in 2022 through the initiative of the Greek Cypriot Foreign
Minister, Ioannis Kasoulides, who suggested
that the airport could open under UN administration in exchange for the
simultaneous administrative control of Varosha/Maraş. Still, should TRNC
succeed in upgrading its international status through the OTC and other
institutions, the claim to sovereign control over ports may be strengthened
without the need for trade-offs.

Direct trade, by contrast, is an area where progress could be made,
given the precedent of the proposed
direct trade regulation by the European Union in
2004. Whereas it was shelved, it is within the purview of the EU to revive the
proposal or otherwise propose how trade can be facilitated to overcome the
limitations of the current Green Line Regulation that administers crossings of
individuals and goods across the Green Line that divides Cyprus. Moreover, it
relates to Türkiye’s obligations to the EU to extend customs union to all
members, including the Republic of Cyprus. This suggests that while the Turkish
side is not prepared to negotiate BBF and engage in fully-fledged negotiations,
rebuffing any efforts to link CBMs to the affirmation of federalism, it is open
to negotiation of the positive agenda and customs union via the 3Ds tabled by
President Tatar in Cyprus. Whereas EU member state diplomats are constrained by
the European Conclusions of April 2024, there is ample opportunity to exchange
ideas with Türkiye via Corepor, if not directly with the Turkish Cypriot
leadership.

In discussing this with respect to Holguin’s mandate, the Turkish side
has been emphasizing that it’s not really for the duration of her mandate,
although they underlined six months, which was to determine whether there was
‘common ground.’ This does not foreclose the possibility that some other
diplomat, if not herself, could be reappointed under a different mandate.

While the Turkish side remains adamant in its stance, it still relies on
the UN-led process precisely because the Good Offices mission of the UNSG and
relevant UN Security Council resolutions provide a forum that underlines the
equality of the sides. Therefore, going forward, the Turkish side will pursue
UN-based contacts rather than the EU, as the latter serves to consolidate the
sovereign authority of the Greek Cypriot side over the Republic of Cyprus.

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Bu yazıya atıf için: Erol Kaymak, “The 50th Anniversary of Türkiye’s Military Intervention in Cyprus and the Quest for Turkish Cypriot Sovereign Equality”, Online, 20 July 2024, https://www.uikpanorama.com/blog/2024/07/19/iran-secimler-gs/

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